白兆杰

道家故事视频_道家故事_道家故事典故/

青城山常道观前集仙桥(陶进 摄)

历史记录参差不齐,不平等。 有些人不被记住,却可以化作丝线,连接时代的轨迹和后人的回响。

1. 故事之外的故事

在遇见我们线索般的人物之前,请允许我先做一个稍微曲折的伏笔。

(一)玄宗孟真荣与玉真公主出使巧郡

唐开元二十九年(741年),坐稳皇位半年的玄宗在梦中见到了自己的始祖太上老君。 记载此事的《孟真嵘碑》记载,玄宗声称,一日朝礼结束后,天色已暗,他“静坐沉思,如睡一般”。 恍惚间,我梦见了老君的真面目。 老君自称是李家的远祖。 他有一尊“三尺多高”的雕像,隐藏在首都西南一百多英里处。 命玄宗前去搜寻。 老君在梦中亲口许诺要保护大唐王朝,“享受无尽的利益”,并宣称自己将“盛世会见玄宗”。 玄宗遂命使者、道士四处寻找,终于在终南山塔寺东南山中找到真像,迎入玄宗时藩王时的住所兴庆宫。 时任钟书门下兵部尚书的牛贤科对灵应老君高度评价,说他“控吾皇室,创无疆界,议应大清”,故应“内外公告,编诸简”。 玄宗闻讯十分高兴,于开元二十九年4月21日下旨接受牛贤科的邀请。 随后,亳州刺史李成玉提出,此事虽已记载于史书,但尚未立碑(“印虽有记载,完颜上未有记载”) ,这还不足以传播轩辕奇迹的消息。 “请请开元观察工具,写有雄辩的文字,系在贞节石上,入仙宫见物,便知左圣人之伟大。” 玄宗自然深感欣慰,并批准了李成玉的请求。 [1] 于是,唐朝掀起了一场轰动一时的“梦真内容”运动。 这场运动标志着天宝时期李唐国家形象和意识形态整体道教思潮的正式启动。 一年多后,天宝二年(743年)春,玄宗的妹妹、行道三十余年的玉真公主出任朝廷使者,率队从长安东征。传说中的紫极宫,位于老子故里谯县。 (即老君庙),建饭堂,设祭祀仪式,表达对老君及其母亲王母娘娘的敬意,希望得到祖宗神灵的庇佑。

这次以弘扬民族信仰和意识形态为目的的朝圣活动,是玄宗“梦真容”运动的组成部分。 玉真在紫极宫的斋戒活动,留下了一块碑,题为《玉真公主游真源紫极宫颂》。 此碑文在宋代金石著作中已有记载(但内容不详),至今已下落不明。 直到2006年,太清宫进行考古发掘,才被重新发现。 [2]从巧郡回来的路上,玉真公主一行参观了嵩山、王屋山等道教圣地。 路经嵩山时,玉真公主与擅长炼丹的女道士焦景真一起修炼打坐之法。 焦景真是盛唐时期最有影响力的道士司马承祯的优秀弟子。 在王屋山上,玉真公主得到了她一生中最后一次受法的机会。 横代地区的胡某法师开门见山,获得了上清宣都城最高法位大东三观法师。 洛阳大洪观道士蔡伟题记记载了玉真公主此行至得法期间的活动。 此方尖碑至今保存至今,现安放在济都寺内,即“玉真公主接灵坛相迎济”。 [3] 玉真公主怀念的王屋山,是一处极为重要​​的道教圣地。 这里有天下第一洞天,有王褒、卫华村的传说和圣地,有司马承祯的阳台观景,还有天坛、仙台等道教圣地。 领土。 而就在仙台之下,玉真公主建立了自己的灵都寺,并受到玄宗亲自的优待。

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《玉真公主灵坛悟》拓片[4]

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济源济都寺龙池是历代铸造龙简的地方(陶金 摄)

(二)蔡伟《张探玄碑》的发现

负责撰写《玉真公主灵坛悟》的大洪道观道士蔡伟,于当年六月又帮玉真公主题写了碑文。 此碑铭文为“唐代东京道教威严使者,清虚洞府灵都仙台真玄大师张尊玄先生遗志碑”(简称《张探玄碑》)。 从碑文可以看出,张探玄不仅担任过道官的重要职务,还担任过两座道观的主持。 他是当时中州最有实力的道士之一。 从铭文来看,张探玄应该是正一真人张道陵的后裔。 王屋山灵都寺,玉真公主就是由这位天师后人监管的。 不幸的是,该项目没有完成。 张探玄玄随后成仙圆寂。 据《张探玄碑》记载,开元十四年(726年),玄宗拟祭祀大圣祖轩辕帝庙(又称老君庙),[5]亲自选定黄观,并最后决定用张昙旋和五位道士“峨嵋王显庆、青城赵显甫、汉中梁徐州、齐国天仙僚”主持斋教。 蔡伟说,五人一路上受到了当地政府的热情接待。 “登上邙山,俯瞰河洛江,越过飘浮的明云,一丝丝雍容神秘的景色,使观者以为遇神。” [6] 五人中,除张探玄的碑文流传于世外,还有《天仙寮》墓志铭,藏于钱塘智斋。 据《大东齐国大师田贤僚墓志铭》记载,田贤僚是大洪道观蔡伟的师傅,两次为玉真公主题词。 [7] 青城赵显甫和汉中梁徐州的情况目前尚不清楚,但峨眉王显庆却因一件特殊事件而引起关注——我们的线索人物“王显庆”终于出现了。

曲折的伏笔和倒叙手法,并不是(至少不纯粹)为了故作高深,而是试图揭开盛唐道教错综复杂的关系网络的一角,呈现出盛唐道教的历史背景。道教与当时政治的密切关系。 。 接下来,让我们把焦点转向开元十二年(724年)发生在川中青城山的一次“偷看”事件。 [8]

二、青城山“偷看”事件

记录“媚眼”事件最重要的资料是一块碑文。

(一)《青城山常道观诏书》记载的故事

此碑名为“青城山常道观及圣旨”。 该碑至今保存完好,依然矗立在青城山上,向后人讲述着开元年间发生的故事。 这座方尖碑的阴阳两面都有铭文。 碑阳的主要部分是玄宗手书的圣旨,其次是颁布圣旨的过程; 碑阴是当地官僚和宗教界合作解决事件后,张敬忠所写的碑文; 碑右侧为开元十八年(730年)祭龙仪式的记载。 据描述,碑的左侧刻有参加这次斋戒活动的官员和道士的名字。 [9]

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《青城山常道观综合表》碑拓片 [10]

碑上所刻的玄宗墨旨,是送给益州刺史张敬忠的文书。 原件下达于开元十二年十二月十一日。 在圣旨中,玄宗首先赞扬了张敬忠治理边疆的辛劳,给予了他关怀和问候,并赐给他项圈。 随后,玄宗开始正事。 圣旨云:蜀州青城山,山中有长道寺。 听说有和尚飞到寺庙里,夺取寺庙,将其变成寺庙。 由于蜀州属于剑南节度使管辖,而张敬忠此时不仅担任益州刺史,还兼任剑南节度使,所以玄宗特命他插手此事。 要防止僧人和道人互相干扰。 “回归道教,寺院就以山外旧地为基础,以便区分佛道两寺。” 同时遣内侍郎毛怀敬、道士王显庆赴蜀州办事,奉命领事。 去奉旨。 张敬忠接到玄宗圣旨后,十分重视“夺观”。 开元十三年正月初一,受圣旨。 第二天,他传旨至蜀州,命“节度使彭州司仓杨坚”为“特检校兼迁寺官”,与蜀州合作。 县长平斯贤和庆城县县长沉从健联合办案。 碑为长道寺寺主甘易容所书,上半部为张敬忠上奏玄宗奏疏抄本。 张敬忠的上述清单,首先按照文书风格抄写了玄宗圣旨所托付的事项,然后表示自己已派杨观到青城山“准令处理”; 九日,他已飞到寺庙,将僧人转移到山外的老寺。 故“观归道”,嘱咐僧道“互不相侵”。 张敬中接着说,长道观旧址归还给道士后,寺主甘一荣继续抱怨,指出之前占领长道观时所栽的竹子,是他飞到时所种的。寺庙不容易移动。 此时,僧人已住在山外,生怕日后再起纷争。 ,请区分。 张敬忠将此事委托州县(即蜀州青城县),并命常道观道士征集竹木。 至此,相关事宜已经得到妥善处理,僧人和道士也各就各位,但张敬忠等地方官员似乎并没有严厉批评僧人。 最后,张敬忠将奏折附给内科干事毛怀敬。 碑的下半部分为道士所题。 其中,蔡守贤、建斋沟岭祥、寺主甘义荣共同构成了长陶寺的“三纲”。

(二)开元时期《夺官》记载分析

以上就是《青城山常道观综合表》所呈现的“观夺”事件的始末。 负责处理这起事件的张敬忠是盛唐时期的名臣。 史料中常可见到他的记载,他的诗作流传下来,收入《唐诗全集》。 [11] 青城山是道教信仰中最负盛名的圣地之一。 是司马承祯《天地宫图》洞窟系统第五洞窟所在地。 “洞天”由倾城的岳父管辖。 [12] 道教传说中,这里也是张道陵天师与六天魔决战、宣誓结盟的地方。 [13]这里也是传说中黄帝求道宁的地方。 宁奉子则因接受黄帝道教做出的贡献,被封为“五圣山岳父”。 上述青城山所拥有的圣地,在唐玄宗时期及以后的年间,经常被一起提及。 例如,开元十五年(727年),司马承祯提议在五岳庙外增建一座“五岳真人庙”,而“配套”的青城丈人庙也得到了圣旨建立宗庙的待遇。开元十八年(730年)。 建庙后立的《青城山公公祖庙碑》,开篇就高调列出了青城山的三大道教身份:

我丈夫住的山原来是青城山,周长2700里,高5100英尺。 乃是道教第五宝仙的九宫天庭。 黄帝拜他为五山岳父,有五山岳父之称。 身着诸光袍,戴遮天冠,戴三院印,乘御车,控五山,六时督雨。 仙子静歌天转,神灯烂日夕照。 仙都奇妙秘境,会昌福地,张师升天之地。 [14]

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长道观三清殿西廊,额上写着:“第五大洞,宝仙九间天”(陶金摄)

这样的描述在保存至今的青城碑刻和蜀地志中屡见不鲜,并在杜光廷的《青城山诸观功德录》和《青城山录》中多次得到呼应。 [15]“多关案”的原告方昌道观与黄帝受封青城山道宁的传说密切相关。 晚年隐居青城山的杜光庭在其《道教功效笔记·青城山宗玄观园》中说道:“青城山宗玄观宇,亦是道教古刹,在帝坛前。 ” [16]明代曹学权编纂碑碣、文献等,《四川广记》据资料记载长道寺的基本情况,说明代的延庆宫就是古长道寺, “古黄帝庙遗址”,据信始建于隋大业七年(611年)。 [17]“多观案”被告飞往寺庙,留下了一些记录。 宋代朱穆所著《方舆胜览》云:“飞至寺,飞至青城县山下,名长生院。是左军使颜君的宅邸。”唐朝的军队,有四个望楼。” [18]但陈延龄根据《高僧续传》的记载表明,南朝孝凉初年,青城山已有飞浮寺。[19] 飞浮寺的历史比《方舆胜览》中记载的要早得多。 “夺关案”发生时,长岛寺和飞福寺都是当地传统的宗教场所。 考虑到长岛寺与黄帝青城受传说的密切联系,以及唐代青城山和蜀地强大的道教势力,不禁让人好奇,飞来长岛寺的和尚是如何做到这一点的?轻松占据这个视野。 于是,两个问题自然而然地产生了:第一,飞凤寺是如何入侵长道寺的? 第二,玄宗为何亲自介入此事?

道家故事视频_道家故事_道家故事典故/

长岛天师殿内景(陶金 摄)

关于第二个问题,很可能是线索人物王显庆的功劳。 天宝二年大洪道士蔡蔚回忆录中提到,深受玄宗器重的王显庆是“峨嵋”道士,圈子里还有“倾城赵显福” 。 鉴于王显庆被玄宗派往青城视察学校“夺冠”,推测长道寺教主干道荣等人可能与王显庆有旧交(甚至赵显甫),便借王显庆之口向玄宗求情。 事实上,杜光庭在《道教功效笔记·青城山宗玄关羽》中直接表示“王显庆道士请愿将道观迁至旧址,留寺于山外”。 [20]关于第一个问题,目前没有历史资料可以回答这个问题。 没有解释,但杜光庭《青城山宗玄观察》中的记载或许能提供一些启发。

道家故事典故_道家故事视频_道家故事/

长岛关山门(陶进 摄)

(三)又一飞赴寺庙夺取道观事件及其启示

在《青城山宗玄关元》中,杜光廷首次给出了玄宗时期“夺关案”的记载。 但与保存至今的玄宗手书圣旨相比,可以发现《道藏》所收录的《青城山宗宣文》版本在文字上有明显的遗漏。 例如,事件发生时间写为“开元十九年”(其实应该是开元十二年或十三年); “内品毛怀镜”写为“上品王怀镜”等。随后,杜光廷记载,事发后,长岛寺获得金仙、玉真公主的“道教”等石刻。象世珍”。 接着,杜光廷讲了一个在其他著作中没有看到的故事,说:咸通末年(860—874年),道观内无道士居住,道观荒废。 只剩下殿内的石坛,其余都是废墟和山丘,植被覆盖。 覆盖。 有两个和尚想要再飞去寺庙。 两位和尚在道教生活了一个多月,他们决定毁掉曼陀罗雕像,夺取它的土地。 但从这个时候开始,当两个和尚晚上躺下的时候,他们的肚子上就会躺着巨蛇; 白天,飞沙会向他们抛来; 他们还看到了巨大的手、毛茸茸的脚和其他奇怪的东西。 两个和尚吓得逃跑了。 乾符己亥年(879年),县令崔正发、道士张素清重修长道观; 僖宗在蜀时,改为宗宣寺。 [21]

杜光庭所讲述的故事,发生在咸通末年,在其他记载中并没有找到。 但张素卿、崔正亨、熹宗行枢、咸通末年等记中记载的事件,均与杜光廷同时期,且在同一地区。 周围可能有很多目击者,可以与后面提到的“清城天池顶的清宫”进行比较。 “《》描述的对应关系不太可能纯粹是‘捏造’。故事中的两个人物——张素卿和崔正恒,在当时的其他材料中留下了痕迹。张素卿是蜀国高级道士。”晚唐至蜀年间,尤以绘画闻名。[22]《宣和画册》记载,宋代宫廷内存有张素卿画作十四幅。说张素卿是建州人,因孤贫而出家为道士,僖宗幸在蜀时,赐紫衣;僖宗欲封青城山,时为“西夷”。公”,他列了一份清单,指出五座山都已被封为王。青城掌人山的地位比五座山高,所以不应该只被封为王。 [23]虽然《宣和画书》 》记载熹宗答应了张素卿的请求,这显然不属实——据唐僖宗中和元年(881年)所书《丰庆城掌仁山为西夷宫圣旨》碑记。 看样子,熹宗还是只愿意赐青城山“东希夷”的称号。 [24]崔正恒也是杜光廷的同时代人,可能与杜光廷有直接接触。 中和元年封青城山为西夷公时,朝廷在青城山举办了祭祀仪式,青城县令崔正恒是执行者之一。 杜光廷干宁二年(895年)所著的杜光廷所著的《重修青城山寺庙功德录》中也提到了崔正正对岳父庙和长道观的修葺,而张苏青受委托为这些道观绘制壁画。 所以,杜光庭关于咸通末飞去寺庙,企图占领长道寺的记述,不应该完全是项弼杜撰的。 《青城山宗玄关羽》中有关已故僧人飞赴寺庙企图占领长道寺的记载,为我们想象开元十二年“擒拿案”的背景提供了一些思路。 难道当时的长道观也被废弃了,所以飞来寺庙的修士就有占据这座寺庙的愿望和可能吗? 去寺院的和尚是为了修缮道观旧址,种植“竹树”吗? 他们费了九牛二虎之力去修复,最后却成了“给别人做嫁衣”,这不公平吗? 因为知道其中的曲折,张敬忠等地方官员并没有采取任何明显的措施来批评僧侣? 由于缺乏历史资料,这些推测很难定论,暂时无法确定是非。 但无论怎样,杜光廷实在不喜欢费高去寺庙。 杜光庭在作品中多次描写开元“官官”案,并多次展示玄宗的圣旨作为谴责僧人的权威证据。

同时,如果我们选择相信杜光亭的话,那些飞来寺庙的修士,似乎确实是觊觎常道寺的房产。 据《云集奇珠》所载杜光庭《道家功效笔记:清城顶清宫天池体验》记载,宗玄观(长道观)南有玄宗御相碑一座:

乾符己亥年,寺尚未建成,水仍如常。 突然,有僧人飞到寺里,偷走了明代真碑,意图侵入灵界,将其修建成佛寺。 随后水被扑灭。 半岁多的时候,和尚被飞石惊吓,又被蛇蛇惊扰,跑出山去。 县令崔正恒上山过中秋节。 他听到了村民们的说法,就在下面烧香来邀请人们。 水又落下来,一直持续到今天。 [25]

这笔帐看似清清楚楚,实则疑点重重。 首先,杜光庭的记述与他的《青城山总玄关羽》后半部分相似。 除了夺取长道寺地产外,《倾城绝上清宫天池御》称,飞来寺内的和尚“被飞石惊蛇蛇惊”。 “惊扰”与咸通末年飞到寺庙的两个和尚的遭遇尤为吻合。 其二,《青城山宗玄观察》中的崔正恒,就是《青城山青城山寺功绩录》中与张素清重修常道寺的青城县令。 两份材料中给出的重要时间点是相关的。 傅继海二年(879)。 这些“巧合”让人怀疑这两个传说有共同的渊源,指向同一事件。 但杜光廷有意无意地将其区分为唐懿宗咸通末年的两出闹剧和唐僖宗千福己亥年的两出闹剧。 据《青城山宗玄观察》记载,“县令崔正正上山过秋,闻乡人言”。 据推测,杜光廷可能是从崔铮铮那里得知了相关信息,而崔铮铮的信息来源就是当地的村民。 。 综合以上讨论可以发现,杜光庭记载了三起僧人飞到寺庙夺取长道寺的事件。 第一次发生在开元年间,有玄宗的圣旨为证; 第二次和第三次分别发生在懿宗和唐代。 熹宗时代,但实际上它们很可能是同一事件演绎出的不同神迹故事。

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长岛关山门内景(陶金 摄)

3、开元十八年青城山寨角

长岛寺“夺观案”已述至此。 让我们把目光转回峨嵋王显庆。

(一)开元十八年王显庆《青城山斋教》

开元十三年从庆城回到长安后,王显庆仍然获得了玄宗的重视。 次年,受玄宗命参加轩辕庙斋教活动。 四年后,开元十八年,王显庆再次来到青城山。 左右两侧碑石“青城山常道观”记载了开元十八年青城山斋教活动的历史瞬间。 碑右侧铭文记载,专修集贤文院的太常少卿韦涛奉玄宗圣旨,“命检校祀勤学道士王显庆,东明寺法师”。 农历六月初七,庚申到荆寨行礼,腊月甲子十一日,交出龙玉。”碑左侧记载参加道教仪式的主要官员的名字,包括当时的蜀州刺史杨立本等人,在参加这次青城山斋戒活动的时候,王显庆就已经成为了东明寺的守护神,这个身份此前的玄宗诏书、张敬忠的名单以及蔡伟的《张探玄碑》中都没有出现,推测王显庆可能是在开元十三年或十四年之后担任东明寺寺主,目前还不清楚。属于东明寺,东明寺是唐代长安城最著名的道观之一,这座寺庙最初是与西明寺一起为高宗李弘祈福而建的,具有一定的官方性质, is an important place for organizing official Taoist activities and debates on Buddhism and Taoism in Chang’an. [26] There are many influential Taoist priests in Dongming Temple who have close relations with the royal family and the court. They often act under the emperor’s orders. In the 18th year of Kaiyuan, Wang Xianqing was ordered to fast and offer sacrifices to Qingcheng Mountain. This also fell into this category. Several Dongmingguan Taoists came from Bashu. For example, Li Rong, a very famous metaphysician, was from Mianyang; Sun Si, recorded in the “Epitaph of Master Sun from Dongmingguan in the Tang Dynasty”, received the three-hole method in Qingcheng Mountain, Shu County. Wang Xianqing was able to enter Dongming Temple and serve as the temple’s master, perhaps because of geographical connections.

In June of the 18th year of Kaiyuan, the core ritual place for the Dragon Boat Festival in Qingcheng Mountain should be located at Changdao Temple. Du Guangting’s “Qingcheng Mountain Records” records that Xuanzong ordered Wang Xianqing to set up a memorial ceremony in Qingcheng as the “Altar of the Yellow Emperor”. Changdao Temple was originally the ancient Huangdi Temple, and the Yellow Emperor Altar was in front of Changdao Temple. Wang Xianqing, Yang Liben and others chose to engrave commemorations on both sides of the old stele, seemingly hoping to connect this ritual activity with Xuanzong’s recent Qingcheng Taoist protection act. At this time, Qingcheng Zhangren Temple, which is more suitable as a place for mountain worship ceremonies, has not yet been established. According to the records in Xu Taiheng’s “Temple Stele of Zhangren Temple in Qingcheng Mountain”, just half a year after Wang Xianqing and Yang Liben held the Zhaijiao ceremony (on leap June 18), Emperor Xuanzong issued an edict to “build an ancestral temple in Zhangren Mountain in Qingcheng.”[27] However, the establishment of the father-in-law’s temple may not be truly realized until the 20th year of Kaiyuan. “Jinshilu” records Xu Taiheng’s “Qingcheng Mountain Father-in-law Temple Stele”, which is the first month of the 20th year of Kaiyuan; [28] “Cefu Yuangui” records Jiyou’s edict in April of the 20th year of Kaiyuan, ordering the Lushan Messenger Temple and Qingcheng Father-in-law The treatment of the temple as the Five Mountains True Monarch Shrine echoes the content of the “Edict of August 25” in Xu Taiheng’s inscription. [29] It can be deduced that the “Qingcheng Mountain Zhangren Ancestral Temple Stele” should indeed be written and established in the 20th year of Kaiyuan. Therefore, the so-called “Edict on August 21 this year” in the article refers to Xuanzong’s edict in the 20th year of Kaiyuan. In this edict, Xuanzong ordered the prefectures and counties under the jurisdiction of Qingcheng Mountain to “select a quiet place on the mountain and build an ancestral temple. The plans will be distributed to Taoist priests and will be built in the future.” Yang Liben, the governor of Shuzhou, “obeys the edict of Chen and respects the temple.” The scale of the paintings was personally modified, and the temple was built in a short time. The inscription records that on August 25 of the same year, Xuanzong issued an edict, “Qingcheng’s father-in-law’s temple should be built according to the rules of the Five Mountains Zhenjun Temple, and five virtuous Taoist priests should be selected to burn incense and worship.” According to normal circumstances, the edict selected the site to be built on the 21st. It is unlikely that the Zhuren Temple and the 25th Day Temple will be successfully built, but the Taoist priests and equipment have been prepared in advance.

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The Jianfu Palace at the foothills of Qingcheng Mountain is the ancient father-in-law’s temple, dedicated to Ning Fengzi (photo by Tao Jin)

(2) The historical echo of Wang Xianqing’s Zhaijiao in the 18th year of Kaiyuan

Perhaps it is precisely because of the proper preservation and wide popularity of Xuanzong’s edict stele that Wang Xianqing’s Qingcheng Mountain Zhaijiao in the 18th year of Kaiyuan gained resonance in Du Guangting’s writing more than 160 years later. According to Du Guangting, when Wang Xianqing was ordered by Xuanzong to build the Yellow Emperor altar in Qingcheng, there were auspicious lights all over the mountain. In the year of Emperor Xizong’s victory in Shu, when he was practicing the Luotian Jiao in the Lingbao Taoist Temple in Qingcheng Mountain, this magical scene was reproduced – at this time, “there were more than a thousand magic lamps, shining brightly in the forest” (“Qingcheng Mountain Records”). The inscriptions on both sides of Xuanzong’s edict do not mention the appearance of the auspicious lantern in the 18th year of Kaiyuan. Du Guangting’s recollection is more like creating memories. When such a memory was created, the appearance of the Qingcheng Spirit Lantern in the Xizong era connected Xizong, who was suffering from the dilemma of seeking refuge in Shu, with Xuanzong, who had the same experience. The two eras had exactly the same encounters and the same spiritual aura. It shows the hope that the Tang Dynasty will be reborn from the ashes.

概括

A person can embody the voice of an era; the voice of one era can echo in another era. Wang Xianqing is not a historical figure with a clear life trajectory, but some of his experiences and the echoes of these experiences in later generations in the near future together form an intricate and overlapping picture.

In the recollection of letting the consciousness surge, we not only witnessed the glory of Kaiyuan Taoism, but also realized the helplessness of the late Tang Dynasty court to use Shintoism to boost morale after taking refuge in Shu. The contradiction between Buddhism and Taoism smeared these memories. A layer of fantasy makes the already broken historical scene even more confusing. Using Wang Xianqing as a clue, the voices of the times and the echoes of later generations are intertwined into a loose but plotted musical. This musical is inevitably messy and trivial, but an “impression” of Taoist history may have emerged in my mind.

笔记:

[1] “The Imperial Monument of Meng Zhenrong”, edited by Chen Yuan, edited by Chen Zhichao and Zeng Qingying: “Taoist Epigraphy”, Beijing: Cultural Relics Publishing House, 1988, pp. 126-127.

[2] Zhou Jianshan: “Collection of Inscriptions from Eastern Henan·Tang Dynasty”, Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou Ancient Books Publishing House, 2013.

[3] Cai Wei: “The Record of Princess Yuzhen’s Acceptance of Taoism at the Spiritual Altar”, see “Taoist Epigraphy”, pp. 139-140.

[4] Quoted from the “China Epigraphy and Stone Database” database, link:

[5] According to Cai Wei’s record of “climbing Mang Mountain and overlooking Heluo”, it is speculated that the Xuanyuan Emperor Temple where he worshiped is the Xuanyuan Temple on Bei Mang Mountain. It is recorded in the second volume of Kang Pian’s “Ju Tan Lu”: “There is the Xuanyuan Temple in Beimang Mountain of the Eastern Capital, and there is the Laojun Temple in the south. The terrace hall is high and spacious, and you can look down at Yiluo.”

[6] Cai Wei: “Zhang Tanxuan Stele”, see “Taoist Epigraphy”, page 136

[7] “Epitaphs of Master Dadong Qi Guotian Xianliao”, see Editor-in-Chief Zhou Shaoliang, Deputy Editor-in-Chief Zhao Chao: “Compilation of Epitaphs of the Tang Dynasty”, Shanghai: Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 1993, page 1522.

[8] For a brief summary of this matter, you can also refer to the following papers. Yu Zhen (Wang Jiakui): “The Immortal’s Complaint to the Emperor”, “Oriental Art”, Issue 16, 2012, pp. 136-137; Liu Xiaoping: “The Struggle for Land Resources between Buddhism and Taoism in the Tang Dynasty”, “Agricultural Archeology”, Issue 4, 2013 , pp. 185-188; 等人。

[9] “Qingcheng Mountain Chang Taoist Temple Consolidated Table” inscriptions, please refer to “Bashu Taoist Inscriptions Collection” edited by Long Xianzhao and Huang Haide, Chengdu: Sichuan University Press, 1997, pp. 22-25. The words on the left and right sides of the stele’s yin and yang are all quoted from this book, and no additional annotations will be added later.

[10] The rubbings are quoted from Fuji Study: “Appreciation of Li Longji’s Running Script by Emperor Xuanzong of the Tang Dynasty”, link:

[11] For information about the time when Zhang Jingzhong served as governor of Yizhou twice, please refer to Yu Xianhao: “A Complete Examination of the History of the Governor of the Tang Dynasty” Volume 222, Hefei: Anhui University Press, 2000, pp. 2944-2945.

[12] Sima Chengzhen: “Pictures of the Palaces of Heaven and Earth”, edited by Zhang Junfang, edited by Li Yongsheng: Volume 27 of “Seven Signs of the Cloud”, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 2003, p. 610.

[13] Written by Ge Hong, edited and edited by Hu Shouwei: “The Legend of Immortals” Volume 5, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 2010, pp. 190-191.

[14] Xu Taiheng: “The Monument of the Father-in-law’s Ancestral Temple in Qingcheng Mountain”, see “Collection of Bashu Taoist Inscriptions”, page 25.

[15] Du Guangting: “Record of the Merit and Virtue of the Temples in Qingcheng Mountain”, see “Collection of Bashu Taoist Inscriptions”, pp. 64-67; “Record of Qingcheng Mountain”, see Dong Gao et al.: “Quan Tangwen” Volume 932, pp. 9709- Page 9711a. The two texts quoted in the following text are all from this edition, and no additional annotations are required.

[16] Du Guangting: “Taoist Efficacy Notes” Volume 1, see “Tao Zang”, Beijing, Shanghai, Tianjin: Cultural Relics Publishing House, Shanghai Bookstore, Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing House, 1988, Volume 10, page 803a.

[17] Cao Xuequan: “Sichuan Guangji” Volume 6, see “Jingyin Wenyuange Sikuquanshu”, Taipei: The Commercial Press, 1982, volume 591, pages 82b-84a.

[18] Zhu Mu: “Fangyu Shenglan” Volume 55, see “Jingyin Wenyuange Sikuquanshu”, Volume 471, page 973a.

[19] Chen Yanling: “A Brief Discussion on the Conflict between Buddhism and Taoism in the Bashu Region in the Tang Dynasty”, “History Teaching Issues”, Issue 2, 2008, page 53.

[20] Du Guangting: “Taoist Efficacy Notes” Volume 1, see “Tao Zang” Volume 10, page 803a.

[21] Du Guangting: “Taoist Efficacy Notes” Volume 1, see “Tao Zang” Volume 10, pages 803a-b.

[22] For details about Zhang Suqing, see Evelyne Mesnil, “Zhang Suqing Zhang Suqing et la peinture Taoïste a Shu 蜀,” Cahiers d’Extrême-Asie vol. 9 (1996-1997): 131-158.

[23] “Xuanhe Painting Book” Volume 2, Taipei: “National” Palace Museum, 1971, Yingyuan Dade Wu’s engraved edition, leaf 10.

[24] Xizong of the Tang Dynasty: “The sealing of Zhangren Mountain in Qingcheng is an imperial edict of Duke Xiyi”, see “Collection of Bashu Taoist Inscriptions”, page 48.

[25] See Volume 122, page 2691 of “Yunji Seven Lots” edited by Zhang Junfang.

[26] For details about this temple, please refer to Liu Kangle: “Dongming Temple and Taoism in Chang’an in the Tang Dynasty”, “Research on Chinese Native Religions” Vol. 2, pp. 127-136.

[27] Xu Taiheng: “Stele of the Temple of the Father-in-law of Qingcheng Mountain”, see “Collection of Bashu Taoist Steles”, page 26.

[28] Zhao Mingcheng: “Jinshilu” Volume 6, Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1991, page 134.

[29] Edited by Wang Qinruo and others, edited by Zhou Xunchu and others: Volume 53 of “Cefu Yuangui”, Nanjing: Phoenix Publishing House, 2006, page 558.

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Bai Zhaojie, PhD in Philosophy from the University of Macau, associate researcher at the Institute of Philosophy, Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences, and director of the Taoist Classics Research Center. Committed to the study of Chinese Taoism and the relationship between Buddhism and Taoism.

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